3 Opposition Leader

Whitlam with Mao Zedong, Beijing 1971

Whitlam swiftly made his mark on the ALP, bringing his campaign for internal reform to fruition, and overhauling or discarding a series of Labor policies that had been enshrined for decades. The White Australia Policy was dropped, Labor no longer opposed state aid, and the air of working-class puritanism that attended the Labor Party of the 1950s gave way to one that was younger, more optimistic, more socially liberal, more intellectual, and decidedly middle-class.

Whitlam proved himself a formidable campaigner, winning two by-elections and then a 17-seat swing in the 1969 election, falling only four seats short of a majority. After Holt's sudden death in December 1967, the Liberal Party began to fragment, electing John Gorton as leader, then switching to William McMahon. Whitlam quickly established an ascendancy, particularly over McMahon, who was well past his political prime. Outside parliament, Whitlam concentrated on party reform and on developing new policies. He advocated the abolition of conscription and Australian withdrawal from the Vietnam War, and in 1971 visited the People's Republic of China (PRC), promising to establish diplomatic relations—much to the chagrin of McMahon, who attacked Whitlam for this policy, only to discover that President Richard Nixon was himself working toward recognising the PRC. On December 2 1972, Whitlam led the ALP to its first electoral victory since 1946.

4 Prime Minister

Custom dictated that Whitlam should have waited until the process of vote counting was complete, and then called a Caucus meeting to elect his Ministers ready to be sworn in by the Governor-General. Meanwhile, the outgoing Prime Minister would remain in office as a caretaker. (As a matter of longstanding party policy, ALP Ministers are elected by the entire Parliamentary Party—the 'Caucus'—with the Prime Minister only having the power to assign portfolios. Liberal Prime Ministers, in contrast, have traditionally had the power to nominate their own Ministry.)

Unwilling to wait, Whitlam, as soon as the overall result was beyond doubt, had himself and Deputy Leader Lance Barnard sworn in as a two-man government, holding all the portfolios between them (see First Whitlam Ministry). Whitlam later said: "The Caucus I joined in 1952 had as many Boer War veterans as men who had seen active service in World War II, three from each. The Ministry appointed on 5th December 1972 was composed entirely of ex-servicemen: Lance Barnard and me."

Although Labor had a comfortable working majority in the House, Whitlam faced a hostile Senate, making it impossible for him to pass legislation without the support of at least one of the other parties—Liberal, Country, or DLP. (Senate elections at that time were not synchronised with House of Representative elections: at the time Whitlam took office, half the Senate had been elected two years previously, the other half five years earlier.)

After 23 years of continuous conservative rule, the bureaucracy was unhelpful, and the conservative state governments were implacably opposed to reform. Nevertheless, Whitlam embarked on a massive legislative reform program. In the space of a little less than three years, the Whitlam Government:

• Took responsibility for tertiary education over from the states and abolished tertiary fees.
• Established the Schools Commission to distribute Federal funds to assist non-government schools on a needs basis.
• Introduced a supporting benefit for single-parent families.
• Abolished the death penalty for Federal crimes.
• Reduced the voting age to 18 years.
• Abolished the last vestiges of the White Australia Policy.
• Introduced language programs for non-English speaking Australians.
• Mandated equal opportunities for women in Federal Government employment.
• Appointed women to judicial and administrative positions.
• Set up the National Aboriginal Consultative Committee.
• Amalgamated the five separate defence departments.
• Instituted direct federal grants to local governments.

The Senate resolutely opposed three key bills and twice rejected them. These were designed to:

• Institute a universal, free health insurance system to be known as Medibank.
• Provide citizens of the Australian Capital Territory and the Northern Territory with Senate representation for the first time.
• Regulate the size of House of Representative electorates to ensure one vote one value.

The repeated rejection of these bills provided a constitutional trigger for a double dissolution (a simultaneous election for all members in both houses). Whitlam went back to the people in May 1974, asking for a chance to "finish the job", and was re-elected, though with a reduced majority. The DLP lost all its seats, but Labor failed to win a majority in the Senate. The balance of power in the Senate was now held by two independent Senators. In the short term, this led to the historic joint sitting of both houses, at which the three bills were passed. In the longer term, it contained the seeds of Whitlam's downfall.

In its second term, the Whitlam Government continued with its legislative reform program, but became embroiled in a series of controversies and scandals, including secret attempts to borrow large amounts of money from Middle Eastern governments, by-passing the Treasury and correct constitutional procedures (the " Loans Affair "). Whitlam was forced to dismiss Treasurer Jim Cairns and another senior minister, Rex Connor , for misleading Parliament.

Emboldened by these scandals, a weak economy, and a massive swing to them in a mid- 1975 by-election for the Tasmanian seat of Bass, the Liberal-Country Opposition, led by Malcolm Fraser, argued that the Government's behaviour in breaching constitutional conventions required that it in turn breach one of the most fundamental, that the Senate would not block Supply (that is, cut off supply of Treasury funds).

5 The Dismissal

Main article: Australian constitutional crisis of 1975

The Opposition would not have been able to follow this course if the Senate elected in 1974 had remained intact. Although one of the two independents joined the Liberal Party, the other, Steele Hall, was opposed to blocking supply, and this would have been sufficient to prevent such a course being followed. Fraser's break came with the death in 1975 of Queensland ALP Senator Bert Milliner . By convention, the Queensland Country Party Premier, Joh Bjelke-Petersen, should have appointed the Labor's chosen replacement. Bjelke-Petersen, vowing to do his utmost to end the Whitlam government, hit upon the strategy of appointing an unknown named Albert Field , who, despite being a nominal Labor Party member, was willing to become Bjelke-Petersen's agent in bringing down Whitlam.

With Milliner's vote gone, the Opposition could pass Senate motions 30 votes to 29. Rather than blocking supply, they moved to delay consideration of the budget. Whitlam was determined to face the Opposition down, and proposed to borrow money from the banks to keep the government running. He was confident that some of the more moderate Liberal Senators would back down if the crisis was allowed to run its natural course.

Fraser also knew that the Senators were wavering, and he urged the Governor-General Sir John Kerr, to act. Kerr had been a Whitlam appointment, but he had developed a grudge against the Prime Minister, who he felt had ignored him and snubbed his wife. Kerr contacted the Chief Justice of the High Court of Australia, the former Liberal Attorney-General Sir Garfield Barwick, who gave Kerr private advice that it was his duty to dismiss Whitlam. This was widely seen as a highly improper move on the part of Barwick. It was also seen as highly improper for Kerr to seek advice from anybody but his Prime Minister.

So on 11 November 1975, without warning Whitlam (as convention would have dictated), Kerr dismissed the Whitlam government and installed Fraser as Prime Minister. He then immediately granted Fraser a double dissolution, another constitutionally dubious act. On hearing the proclamation dismissing him from office, which ended with the traditional 'God Save the Queen', Whitlam famously said to a crowd on the steps of Parliament House: "Ladies and gentlemen, well may we say "God Save the Queen", because nothing will save the Governor-General." The election resulted in a landslide win to the Coalition.

6 The Whitlam government assessed

During its three years in power, the Whitlam government was responsible for a long list of legislative reforms, most of which still stand today. It replaced Australia's adversarial divorce laws with a new, no-fault system, acted to improve the position of the Aboriginal minority, slashed tariff barriers, ended both conscription and the Australian involvement in the Vietnam War, introduced a universal national health insurance scheme (Medibank, now known as Medicare), sponsored free university education, introduced needs-based federal funding for private schools, and established diplomatic and trade relations with the People's Republic of China.

Despite its many concrete achievements, its failings were substantial. The economy declined, with balance of payments problems, high unemployment and (by Australian standards) very high inflation. External factors contributed to this, in particular higher world oil prices and falling prices for Australian farm produce, but the Whitlam government's economic policies were partly responsible.

The autocratic Whitlam's "crash through or crash" style made many political enemies, and the various scandals afflicting the government cost it valuable time and momentum, and heavily damaged its credibility with the electorate. Many Australians regarded his dismissal by the unelected Governor-General as an outrage, but most Australians voted to replace the Whitlam government even so, and the Labor Party would not be a serious candidate for government again until Whitlam had been replaced as leader.

7 Out of office

Gough Whitlam (right) at 88, with his protege the current leader of the Australian Labor Party, Mark Latham, at an election fundraising event in Melbourne, September 2004

Whitlam stayed on to fight the 1977 election, but there was never much chance that the Australian electorate would have him back. Labor was defeated nearly as heavily as it had been in 1975, and Whitlam resigned from Parliament in 1978. After a few years as a travelling lecturer, he was appointed Australian Ambassador to UNESCO by the next Labor Prime Minister, Bob Hawke. Although Whitlam knew this was partly a ploy by Hawke to get him out of the country, he hugely enjoyed the Paris posting and made a great impression on other UNESCO delegates. He has published several volumes of memoirs.

Even in old age, Whitlam was a larger-than-life figure in Australian politics, with a ferocious intellect, a razor-sharp and often disparaging wit, and a towering ego that he never troubled to camouflage. He remained a revered figure in the Labor Party, and reviled (far more, for example, than Bob Hawke) by the conservative side of politics. The sole issue over which he received sustained criticism from the left was his failure to oppose Indonesia's plans to annex what was then Portuguese Timor.

Whitlam turned 80 in 1996, but still made regular public appearances and continued to comment on some issues, notably republicanism: in the 1999 referendum, he campaigned together on this issue with his old enemy Fraser. He felt the Hawke government had wasted its opportunities to continue the great Whitlam reform programme, but was more enthusiastic about Paul Keating's government. After 1996 he was scathingly critical of John Howard, but also of Kim Beazley, who was Labor leader from 1996 to 2001 - this feud apparently went back to Whitlam's dislike of Beazley's father ( Kim Beazley, senior), who had been a minister in Whitlam's government.

Whitlam was delighted when Mark Latham, who was once his research assistant and represents his old seat of Werriwa, was elected Labor leader on 2 December 2003, exactly 31 years after Whitlam's own election as Prime Minister. By that time Whitlam, 87, was increasingly frail and usually appeared in public with a walking stick, but his ability and willingness to make outspoken comments had not diminished, and he spoke frequently in praise of Latham. In April 2004 he spoke at a function marking the centenary of the Watson Labor government. Later in the year he appeared at Labor events during the 9 October election campaign, and appeared to be in good health.

8 See also

• First Whitlam Ministry
• Second Whitlam Ministry
• Third Whitlam Ministry

9 Further reading

• Gough Whitlam, On Australia's Constitution, Widescope, 1977
• Gough Whitlam, The Truth of the Matter, Penguin, 1979
• Gough Whitlam, The Whitlam Government, Penguin, 1985
• Gough Whitlam and others, The Whitlam Phenomenon, Penguin, 1986
• Gough Whitlam, Abiding Interests, University of Queensland Press, 1997

• Barry Cohen, Life With Gough, Allen and Unwin, 1996
• Hugh Emy and others, Whitlam Revisited, Pluto Press, 1993
• Gareth Evans and others, Labor and the Constitution 1972-1975, Heinemann, 1977
• Paul Kelly, Crash Through or Crash, Angus and Robertson, 1976
• Paul Kelly, November 1975, Allen and Unwin, 1995

The world awaits a definitive Whitlam biography. Such a thing is probably not possible in Whitlam's lifetime.

10 External links

• Gough Whitlam - Australia's Prime Ministers / National Archives of Australia
• The Whitlam Institute
• The Whitlam Dismissal - November 11, 1975
• Gough Whitlam quotations at Wikiquote

Preceded by: William McMahon	Prime Ministers of Australia	Followed by: Malcolm Fraser
Preceded by: Arthur Calwell	Leaders of the Australian Labor Party	Followed by: Bill Hayden

Whitlam, Gough Whitlam, Gough Whitlam, Gough

<Hide>